【看中国记者魏锦华编译】
据美国时代周刊12月14日周三报道，12月12日，艾未未与时代周刊的Hannah Beech 和 Austin Ramzy坐在艾的工作室里，还有他的白猫一起做了专访。艾讲着一口很棒的英文，探讨了他的被关押，诗一般的推特，以及中国是否可以免于国际上的抗议和革命风暴的影响。以下为专访（黑体字为记者问）。
1981年你离开中国，没打算回去，但你回来了，为什么？
以前，我看到我的父亲和其他人批评（当局）、试图挣扎，但我自己还没有遭遇到。然后看到我们这一代人也被镇压。你就发现这个政权没有意愿告诉人们真相。一方面它很无情，另一方面它又那么软弱。
当你20多岁的时候，你意识到离开才能保护你的尊严，而不被这个大机器伤害。你看到过你这一代的人被毁。所有我决定离开。
在纽约住了12年，我36岁。我听了好多关于中国如何变了的消息。我父亲当时病了。我决定回到中国，最后尽尽孝心。
你1993年回来的。今天的中国和你离开的时候有什么不同？
我觉得有两件事改变了中国。要生存，中国不得不对西方开放。否则它生存不了。这是在数百万人像今天的北韩一样饿死之后。一旦我们成为国际竞争的一部分，我们不得不遵从一些规则。这很痛苦，但我们必须这样。否则无法生存。但国内还是同样一部机器。没有司法程序，没有透明度。
另一件是互联网。他们意识到互联网对生存也很重要。也与生存相关。但要用它，他们不得不打开互联网。他们不可能完全审查上面的全部信息和知识。这两件事彻底地改变了这个国家的性质。
近些年，你把互联网和政治活动融合在一起，怎么发生的？
我是做建筑学的。要做建筑学，你就要与社会、政治和官僚打交道。做大工程是非常复杂的过程。你开始看这个社会，它如何运作。然后你就对它如何运作提出很多批评。
因为我做建筑学工作，新浪让我做个博客。我对他们说我没有电脑。我不会打字。他们说“没关系，很容易。我们可以帮你把它建起来。”开始时，我贴了我的早期艺术作品。只写了几篇文章。尽管写作是最令人钦佩的，但我以前没机会成为作家，因为我没有那方面的教育背景。于是我开始打字。我的第一篇博文就一句话，好象是“要表达你自己需要一个理由，但表达你自己就是理由。”
后来我写了很多。我真的很享受写作的时刻。人们会把我写的句子传开去。那是我以前从未有过的体验。就像出膛的子弹。
你网上的工作越来越政治化，尤其你发起了对四川地震中倒塌的豆腐渣校舍进行调查之后。
他们关闭了我的博客，因为我们每天都发布调查结果。我说好吧，如果政府不想要告诉真相，那么公民应该承担起行动的责任。那真是很有力量的。我们给人们看我们如何找到那些学生的名字，自愿者遇到了什么困难，我们被捕了多少次，我们如何搜索的，所有的细节。
他们关闭博客的时候，我很伤心，因为我们对此无能为力。然后有个人说，“我给你开了个微博。”微博就是一句话—140个字，推特就像是诗，它丰富，真实，发自内心。它很对我的风格。在一年半的时间里，我发了6万条，超过10万字。每天我至少花8小时在上面，有时24小时。
你被抓后一度沉默。那是怎样的情形？
首先他们让你知道什么也保护不了你，没有法律能保护你。他们给我举了刘少奇的例子。宪法也没能保护他，今天也没多大区别。然后他们说“我们要弄臭你。毁掉你的名气。我们要告诉人们你撒谎不诚实。”
你认为你的被释放是因为国际和国内的压力吗？
我认为这只能来自对我的支持，国际艺术界，政治界的，还有国内的（支持）。
11月份，你收到240万美元的税务罚款，中国公民开始给你捐款。后来，又有淫秽指控之说，对此，人们开始把自己的裸照上传到网上以示支持。你对国内民众对你的案子的反应感到吃惊吗？
我非常吃惊，我觉得那些搞我的人也非常吃惊。人们为新技术所鼓舞。它提供了这样的可能性。这真的改变了政治情形的格局。过去，只有有权的才可以发声。现在任何人只要有清晰的思路或特别的理解都可以被认可。
阿拉伯之春发生的事情在这里有很大意义吗？或者中国处于不同的规则之下？
我认为中国的领导层企图告诉世界他们有另一套与你们不同的逻辑或价值观。当然，我不认为他们相信那一点。那只是他们不能面对真相和事实时的辩词。他们真的想要保持权力。同时，他们拒绝沟通。他们拒绝付出好意。他们拒绝付出真诚。那能持久吗？
有些中国人批评你宣扬的民主价值，认为那是西方的，不是普世的，中国有自己的发展道路。
我从不空洞的谈民主价值。我总是就具体的事件探讨。多少学生死亡了？他们的名字是什么？基本事实怎样？警察那天夜里是否真的打了我？一个人能不能有尊严的讲话？
那么，你希望在中国看到怎样的情形？
我们需要明确的游戏规则。我们需要尊重法律。如果你玩国际象棋，但走了两三步后，你可以改规则，别人怎么跟你玩？当然你会赢，但60年后，你下的还很糟，因为你从未遇到挑战。这是什么游戏？那样有趣吗？我肯定那些把我投入监狱的人他们有多累。这个游戏不对，但谁会说，“嗨，让我们公平的玩吧？”
第二，他们不能阻止人们自由交流，获取信息，表达自己。他们现在阻止这一切，那么这个国家不是该呆的地方。他们牺牲了几代人的机会。这是犯罪。
有些人争论中国不需要民主。
民主，对或错，已经被证实了。中国的做法还没有被证实。对我而言，这不是逻辑问题。它成功或失败都没有关系。你不能牺牲人民。我不能接受你可以牺牲别人的权利的现状。
你怎样度过你的每一天？还在创作艺术吗？
我是一名总是在寻找更多可能性的艺术家。我总是在试图扩展边界。艺术就是一个使用某一种特别形式或形状，或光线来交流的人的作品。生活经历当然教你如何成为一位艺术家。
我现在控制自己上网的时间，因为我要和律师谈话，跟借给我钱的人沟通。
下午，我和孩子到公园里锻炼。一周两次我到警察局听他们意见和批评。我在做一件2、3年前开始的作品-它需要很长时间完成。我很高兴他们从来没有阻止我创作艺术。
如果你有机会出国，你会出去吗？
我要评估，是呆在监狱好还是出国好？如果要走，要说再见。
你觉得出去后还能回来吗？
不仅如此。我恐怕会失去对现实的感觉。生活中有太多可以做的，活动人士不是我的首选。我觉得我会失去与这里的接触，我当然感觉欠这里的很多人。如果我可以做出努力，我会继续那样做的。
（译文有删节，点击看原文）
16/12/2011
环球屎报骟人评：艾未未是中国崛起的受益者
原文链接：http://opinion.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-12/2270431.html
作者：骟人评 环球屎报评论员
年底回望，2011年大概称得上是艾未未等中国“异见人士”收获的一年。艾未未虽然吃了官司，但在西方名声大振，各种奖项纷至沓来。近日刚出炉的美国《时代》周刊年度风云人物评选，艾未未又名列第三。在刘晓波去年刚获诺贝尔和平奖之后，艾未未又登上可与刘比肩的西方荣誉巅峰，这是在非西方名流中从未发生过的奇迹。
作者：骟人评 环球屎报评论员
年底回望，2011年大概称得上是艾未未等中国“异见人士”收获的一年。艾未未虽然吃了官司，但在西方名声大振，各种奖项纷至沓来。近日刚出炉的美国《时代》周刊年度风云人物评选，艾未未又名列第三。在刘晓波去年刚获诺贝尔和平奖之后，艾未未又登上可与刘比肩的西方荣誉巅峰，这是在非西方名流中从未发生过的奇迹。
15/12/2011
《陽光時務》第9期封面和目錄
【封面：呼嘯村莊：烏坎的死亡與反抗】民選代表薛錦波的被拘押和「被死亡」，激化村莊的高度自治與官民對峙。村民們之間的聯結因為共同的土地利益受損，更在宗親關係上加了一層利益共同體關係，並在村內有智之士的指導下，將之引向合理、合法的政治訴求——民選政府、基層自治。
【封面：父亲薛锦波之死：薛健婉自述】烏坎村民選村代表、臨時理事會副會長薛錦波，在被秘密抓捕後兩天，突然死亡。當地政府給出的死亡原因是「心源性猝死」。薛錦波的長女薛健婉2011年12月13日在家中接受記者採訪，談及父親從被抓到死亡的種種。她堅稱父親絕無心臟病史，而且發現父親屍體傷痕累累。「他們說沒有打我爸，但是我爸身上那麼多傷痕哪裏來的？」 薛健婉21歲，陸豐市金廂鎮中心小學教師，是薛家長女，薛家還有正在念書的一個弟弟和一個妹妹。
【封面：父亲薛锦波之死：薛健婉自述】烏坎村民選村代表、臨時理事會副會長薛錦波，在被秘密抓捕後兩天，突然死亡。當地政府給出的死亡原因是「心源性猝死」。薛錦波的長女薛健婉2011年12月13日在家中接受記者採訪，談及父親從被抓到死亡的種種。她堅稱父親絕無心臟病史，而且發現父親屍體傷痕累累。「他們說沒有打我爸，但是我爸身上那麼多傷痕哪裏來的？」 薛健婉21歲，陸豐市金廂鎮中心小學教師，是薛家長女，薛家還有正在念書的一個弟弟和一個妹妹。
抗議者 年度風雲人物 《時代》頒給正在改變歷史的人
美國《時代》雜誌（Time）十四日宣布，二○一一年「年度風雲人物」（Person of the Year）獎項頒給「阿拉伯之春」、「占領華爾街」等全球各地的「抗議者」（The Protester），以表彰他們不惜生命危險、挺身改變世界、推動歷史前進的非凡勇氣。
巧合的是，歐洲議會也在十四日頒發今年度「沙卡洛夫獎」（Sakharov Prize），表揚五位參與阿拉伯之春的自由鬥士，五人分別來自突尼西亞、埃及、利比亞與敘利亞，共享殊榮與五萬歐元獎金。
《時代》雜誌總編輯史丹格爾在國家廣播公司（ＮＢＣ）晨間節目《今日》（Today）宣布這項消息，他說：「抗議浪潮蔓延全球各地，這些人甘冒生命危險…我認為，他們把世界改變得更好。這些人正在改變歷史，而且也必將改寫未來的歷史。」
《時代》指出，從北非延燒至中東的「阿拉伯之春」，如滾雪球般在全球各地掀起前所未見的人民抗議浪潮。這股由人民自發性的力量，在墨西哥推動反毒梟抗議行動、在紐約掀起「占領華爾街」行動、在希臘吸引數萬民眾上街抗議緊縮措施、在印度掀起反貪瀆運動；連最近在俄羅斯，也有數萬人上街向普丁政權抗議選舉舞弊。
史丹格爾指出：「抗議者就算得到的回應是催淚瓦斯甚至子彈，他們也從不絕望。他們以身體力行來彰顯：個體行動足以引發集體、巨大的變化。」
《時代》也公布第二至第五名名單，第二名是運籌帷幄、率領美軍特種部隊成功獵殺頭號恐佈分子賓拉登的美國海軍上將麥克雷文（William McRaven）；第三名是中國異議藝術家艾未未。
第四名是威斯康辛州共和黨籍眾議員萊恩（Paul Ryan），他因揭露美國政府國債問題的嚴重性而備受肯定。第五名則是英國威廉王子的嬌妻凱蒂王妃。史丹格爾笑說：「麥雷文逮到賓拉登，凱蒂則擄獲我們的心。」
source: http://news.chinatimes.com/focus/11050105/112011121500091.html
巧合的是，歐洲議會也在十四日頒發今年度「沙卡洛夫獎」（Sakharov Prize），表揚五位參與阿拉伯之春的自由鬥士，五人分別來自突尼西亞、埃及、利比亞與敘利亞，共享殊榮與五萬歐元獎金。
《時代》雜誌總編輯史丹格爾在國家廣播公司（ＮＢＣ）晨間節目《今日》（Today）宣布這項消息，他說：「抗議浪潮蔓延全球各地，這些人甘冒生命危險…我認為，他們把世界改變得更好。這些人正在改變歷史，而且也必將改寫未來的歷史。」
《時代》指出，從北非延燒至中東的「阿拉伯之春」，如滾雪球般在全球各地掀起前所未見的人民抗議浪潮。這股由人民自發性的力量，在墨西哥推動反毒梟抗議行動、在紐約掀起「占領華爾街」行動、在希臘吸引數萬民眾上街抗議緊縮措施、在印度掀起反貪瀆運動；連最近在俄羅斯，也有數萬人上街向普丁政權抗議選舉舞弊。
史丹格爾指出：「抗議者就算得到的回應是催淚瓦斯甚至子彈，他們也從不絕望。他們以身體力行來彰顯：個體行動足以引發集體、巨大的變化。」
《時代》也公布第二至第五名名單，第二名是運籌帷幄、率領美軍特種部隊成功獵殺頭號恐佈分子賓拉登的美國海軍上將麥克雷文（William McRaven）；第三名是中國異議藝術家艾未未。
第四名是威斯康辛州共和黨籍眾議員萊恩（Paul Ryan），他因揭露美國政府國債問題的嚴重性而備受肯定。第五名則是英國威廉王子的嬌妻凱蒂王妃。史丹格爾笑說：「麥雷文逮到賓拉登，凱蒂則擄獲我們的心。」
source: http://news.chinatimes.com/focus/11050105/112011121500091.html
13/12/2011
12/12/2011
2011年度“中国良心奖”颁奖词
2011年度“中国良心奖”颁奖词
今天，2011年度的12月10日，既是中国《零八宪章》发布3周年的纪念日，也是《世界人权宣言》发布63周年的纪念日。在这美丽庄严的日子，“我们大家”评委会经过民主投票决定将第二届“中国良心奖”郑重授予两位杰出的中国民主维权先锋——王荔蕻女士和刘沙沙女士！
正如大家所知道的那样，近年来，王荔蕻女士以其高度的公民责任感和良知感，奋勇抗争在中国民主维权事业的最前线。无论是在邓玉娇事件、杨佳事件、结石宝宝事件、唐福珍事件、李淑莲事件还是“和平奖”事件中都有其慷慨奔忙的身影。尤其在福建“三网友”案件中，王荔蕻大姐以其卓越的智慧成功的组织了上千网友以街头“围观”的方式来争取“公平正义”，第一次将中国公民的维权抗争提上“讲人权”、“讲政治”的高度，为中国民主维权事业提供了难得的范例。最为宝贵的是王大姐的“不妥协”精神——既就是在黑云压城的2011年春天，她毅然顶着种种高压并拖着带病的身体前往河南从事维权活动，直到被执政当局逮捕入狱！
刘沙沙，一位中原大地的普通女儿，近年来却以其凌雪傲霜的抗争精神连续奋战在中国民主维权事业的第一线。自郭泉组党事件以来，近年发生的所有热点人权事件几乎都有刘沙沙呐喊抗争的身影。她不仅勇敢探望郭泉、上街宣传《零八宪章》、拉横幅声援公盟，而且曾率众怒砸聚源宾馆，以大无畏的精神勇气撕开了中国黑监狱侵犯人权的罪恶真相。尽管在这些维权活动中，刘沙沙被数度拘押并遭遇过多次绑架、殴打和伤害，但为人权事业而顽强战斗的精神始终激励着她义无反顾、勇往直前——尤其是从今年夏秋以来，刘沙沙带头与众网友勇闯山东临沂，发起前赴后继、波澜壮阔的“围观东师古、探访陈光诚”活动，为2011年度的中国民主维权事业写下极为精彩的一页！
王荔蕻大姐曾在著名的《不做保证书》中公开宣布：“我是一个有良知的人，我不能保证面对苦难时保持沉默”，刘沙沙女士也曾在《让大家慢慢习惯》一文中明确表明：“若要人尊重你的理想，你就必须为理想而战斗！”，她们是这样说的，她们更是这样做的，他们以自己的呐喊和抗争展示着自己作为中国公民的道德良知——她们是中国民主维权事业的光荣和骄傲，她们是我们这个时代的“中国良心”！
我们认为，民主，正成为浩浩荡荡的世界性潮流！
我们认为，人权，正成为引领人类文明的光辉旗帜！
中国的国情也决定了未来的十年必然是民主转型的十年，必然是人权抗争的十年！也因此，我们希望更多的中国公民、更多的中国青年勇敢的站起来，积极参与到中国民主维权事业当中——像王荔蕻那样、像刘沙沙那样，做一个“有良知的人”，做一个为民主理想而顽强“战斗”的人！
我们相信，伟大的中国民主人权事业必将在中华儿女的精诚奋斗中花开万里、果累云天！
“我们大家”评委会 2011-12-10 （来源：维权网）
原文链接
11/12/2011
胡佳国际人权日声明 Hu Jia's Message on Human Rights Day
女士们、先生们：
我在北京向各位致意。
12月10日是国际人权日，人权是世界自由、正义与和平的基础。它又是诺贝尔和平奖的颁奖日。这是属于全体人类和为人类争取和平者的荣耀之日。世界上没有任何一个日子对人类尊严有这种双重肯定的意义。
首先，请允许我以个人的真实经历做一个与诺贝尔和平奖有关的简单回顾。12月08日，是上届诺贝尔奖获得者刘晓波先生被捕三周年纪念日。这是北京今冬最冷的一天，我本要前往无家可归露宿街头的上访者们聚集地带，准备为他们提供抵御寒冷和饥饿的帮助。但是中国北京的政治警察们封锁了我的出路，阻挡我前往上访村。为什么？我无法理解专制体制的思维方式，中国共产党的政治警察把人道主义也当作他们的敌人，那更何况更高标准的人权呢。
8月9日，我在前往医院治疗时，在政治警察的跟踪监视下前往刘晓波的家探望刘霞。被刘霞家门外被负责软禁她的保安粗暴拦截。我要求对方提供阻拦我访友和限制刘霞自由的法律依据，很快负责管辖刘霞的警察们赶到，将我扣押六小时。这就是自由公民看望自由公民的后果。9月，警方给我提出了三条底线之一就有绝对阻止我再前往刘晓波的家探望刘霞。而作为亲历者，在这里我愿意向全世界任何政府机构、人权组织和新闻媒体提供证词，证明刘霞确实处于被非法拘禁的状态，过着没有自由的生活。甚至刘晓波的兄弟都无法与刘霞联系。中国的外交部关于刘霞的陈述皆属谎言。在中国，当一个人成为政治犯时，往往意味着他/她的父母、配偶和孩子也同时成为政治犯。应当对北京这些人权压制事件负直接责任的，是中共中央政治局常委周永康和北京市委书记刘淇，因为他们主导司法权和北京的地方行政权力。这些都被滥用于剥夺公民的政治权利和民主权利。
再向前追溯，2008年12月10日，中国政治警察一个月内第七次到监狱试图说服我，他们重申代表外交部、公安部和中共北京市委的意思，让我公开发表声明，拒绝萨哈罗夫人权奖的授予，拒绝诺贝尔和平奖的提名。作为“回报”，我可以在两个月之内以保外就医的形式获得“自由”，同时将得到所获奖金额两倍的金钱“补偿”。在监狱中常常手铐脚镣加身的我，多么渴望拥有自由，回到父母、妻子和不到一岁的女儿身边。但这一切都不能以尊严为代价。我清楚，获奖和被提名的公民不是胡佳，而是这个国家所有争取政治权利并受到压制的公民们。人格无可交易，原则不能打破，道义没有退让的余地。这段过程可以反映出萨哈罗夫奖和诺贝尔和平奖给中国政府的道义压力，不论当局以什么方式表示轻蔑和反对，但他们实际上已经输了，他们很担忧这些奖项成为化开冻土的暖流。
2008年10月10日早晨，我突然从远离北京的天津潮白监狱，被押解到北京南部的北京市监狱。我母亲和妻子、孩子每月探视的距离缩短了三分之二，减轻了老人和孩子的劳累。一年后我才知道，原来这是由于我受到了诺贝尔和平奖的提名，而那一天获奖者将揭晓。在这里，我想让全世界知道，诺贝尔和平奖的被提名或获奖，给中国监狱中或被非法限制人身自由的异见人士肯定会带来一定程度的保护，改善他们恶劣的生存条件。否则他们的境遇会更糟糕。在这里，我们可以期待刘晓波将来给大家讲述狱中与诺贝尔奖有关的经历。
刘晓波因为参与起草《零八宪章》而入狱。三年来《零八宪章》有一万三千签署者，这相对于中国人口，只占十万分之一。这源于中国统治者给社会制造的恐怖以及在互联网络上封锁。我今年出狱不久也签署了《零八宪章》，而我妻子曾金燕是第一批签名人之一。签署时，我的感觉又回到了奥运会之前我们针对许多人权个案的签名行动。那时我们与晓波常常配合。但没有想到，温和理性的《零八宪章》，居然引发了对参与者刘晓波的牢狱报复。这其实不是针对他本人，而是要用他付出的牢狱代价来恐吓其他坚持倡导民主宪政的中国公民们。宪章中描绘了部分公民心中理想中国社会的蓝图，我们只是在重申普世价值。这个国家的每个人都有权提出他心目中的社会理想，而不应受到任何来自中国党卫政治警察的压力。我相信，零八宪章中所强调的那些普世价值，十年之内都会写进中国的宪法。并且依此实施宪政。
去年的12月10日，世界面对着空椅子，见证诺贝尔和平奖颁发给中国大陆公民刘晓波先生。和平奖往往能成为一个民族、一个国家、甚至一个大洲的共同骄傲。它终于来到了中国大陆，这个世界上最大最悠久的专制帝国。感谢诺贝尔和平奖委员会选择中国异见人士。对于海内外若隐若现的争议，让我们回到自由至上的原则，事实是中国的每个“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的公民都是无罪的，都应该立即无条件地获得自由，恢复名誉。如果你认为自己信仰正义和民主，那么我们就有道义责任为刘晓波和刘霞争取在中国这块土地上自由生活和表达的权利。我们的对手是专制者的暴力机器，我们要抵抗和变革的是专制制度，而不是被这个体制压制的异见人士、维权者。当局不仅从我们的恐惧中获益，而且从我们彼此的漠视和攻讦中获益。在专制者眼中，我们都是异见者，都是一样要被它压制的对象。这个世界没有完美的人，所谓英雄，那只是一个平凡的人做了非凡的事而已。英雄往往是不断战胜自己的恐惧，坚持去争取自由的人。当我们准备批评别人时，请让我们先成为自己符合内心英雄的标准。面对暴政，我们的恐惧来自于我们一盘散沙的状态，而一盘散沙的状态更加剧着个体的恐惧。搁置理念和行为方式的分歧，接纳人性的弱点，当我们相互凝聚包容时，就形成对专制者的制衡和压力。在寒冷的政治冬季，让我们相互雪中送炭。
当诺贝尔和平奖的网站在中国都被封锁，中国人可以感到共产党的“北京墙”要阻隔什么。现在的中国，如同曾经种族隔离制度下的南非，且这里才是全世界最大的民主战场。这里有刘晓波，这里也有盲人陈光诚、艺术家艾未未、维权律师高智晟……更多的是那些在网络上、在现实中为公民权利奋战的亿万中国公民。中国的民主化，是世界议题，中国的民主化是对世界和平至关重要的保障。也唯有中国理性渐进的民主化，能让这个饱经战争和自相残杀的国家和平转型。
今天我们庆祝阿拉伯之春，同时我们更期待并准备着北京之春。再次感谢诺贝尔和平奖委员会选择中国。感谢世界对中国人争取自由的支持。
胡佳
---English Version---
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I send you greetings from Beijing.
Today, 10 December, is Human Rights Day, a day dedicated to the basis of freedom, justice and peace throughout the world. It is also the day that the Nobel Peace Prize is awarded. This day, which belongs to all of humanity, honours those all over the world who fight for peace. No other day has this double meaning, affirming the importance of respect for human rights.
Firstly, allow me to give you a brief summary of my experience of the Nobel Peace Prize. Two days ago, 8 December, was the third anniversary of the arrest of Liu Xiaobo, the 2010 Nobel peace laureate. It was the coldest day of this winter so far in Beijing. I set off for the neighbourhood where petitioners and homeless people gather because I wanted to help them resist the cold and their hunger. But the Beijing political police arrested me on the way, preventing me from going to this “village.” Why? I still do not understand this authoritarian government’s way of thinking. The Chinese Communist Party’s political police regards humanitarianism as its enemy. Not to speak of human rights.
While on my way to hospital to receive treatment on 9 August, I decided go to Liu Xiaobo’s home to visit his wife, Liu Xia, without the political police knowing. I was roughly intercepted by the guards who keep the home under surveillance. I asked them what legal grounds they had for preventing me from visiting friends and for restricting Liu Xia’s freedom. The police in charge of Liu Xia’s surveillance quickly arrived and held me for six hours. This is what happens when free citizens try to visit other free citizens. One of the three orders I received from the police in September was a total ban on going to Liu Xiaobo’s home to visit Liu Xia.
As a direct witness, I would hereby like to testify to all the government institutions throughout the world, to all the human rights organizations and to all the media that Liu Xia is being detained in a completely illegal manner and is leading a life bereft of any freedom. Even Liu Xiaobo’s brother cannot contact her. All the Chinese foreign ministry statements about her situation are just lies.
When someone becomes a political prisoner in China, their parents, spouse and children become political prisoners as well. The people directly responsible for these human rights violations in Beijing are Zhou Yongkang, a member of the party’s Politiburo Standing Committee, who runs the judicial system, and Liu Qi, the party’s Beijing municipal secretary, who is charge of governing the capital. They have abused their power in order to deprive citizens of their civic and democratic rights.
After visiting me in prison seven times in a month, the political police finally asked me on 10 December 2008, on behalf of the foreign ministry, public security ministry and the CCP’s Beijing municipal committee, to issue a public statement rejecting the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought and rejecting my candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize. In exchange, I would be released on bail within two months in order to receive medical treatment, and I would receive double the amount of money of the two prizes. In prison, often with my hands and feet manacled, I repeatedly felt the desire to recover my freedom and be reunited with my parents, wife and daughter, who was then less than a year old. But all this could not happen at the expense of human dignity.
I knew that this prize and this nomination did not concern me but all the Chinese citizens who fight for human rights and who, because of that, are stripped of their own civic rights. Human dignity is not for sale. Principles cannot be broken. Morality cannot be compromised. This shows the moral and judicial influence that the Sakharov Prize and Nobel Prize have on the Chinese government. Regardless of its display of contempt and use of violence, it cannot win. The CCP’s leaders are very worried that these prizes could become a torrent of hot water on their frozen ground.
On the morning of 10 October 2008, I suddenly found myself being escorted from my cell in the distant Chao Bai prison in Tianjin to a prison in Beijing, on the south side of the city. The distance that my mother, wife and daughter had to travel for their monthly visits was cut by two thirds, reducing their fatigue. A year later, I learned that it was because I had been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and because the 2008 winner had been announced that day.
I would like the world to know that being nominated for or being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize provides an unquestionable degree of protection for imprisoned dissidents in China, for those whose individual freedoms have been illegally suppressed. It improves the poor conditions in which they are held. Without it, their situation would be much worse. Liu Xiaobo can be expected one day to testify to the effect of the Nobel Peace Prize on his prison conditions.
Liu Xiaobo is in prison because he helped draft “Charter 08.” In the three years since its launch, 13,000 people have signed this charter – only one person out every 100,000 in China. This situation is a result of the terror and online censorship mechanisms that the Chinese leaders have imposed on Chinese society. I signed “Charter 08” shortly after my release earlier this year. My wife, Zeng Jinyan, was one of the first to sign it. At the moment of signing, I felt we were back in the era before the Olympic Games, where we signed many petitions about human rights issues. Back then, we often worked with Liu Xiaobo. I had not imagined that he would end up in prison as a reprisal for the charter.
In reality, Liu Xiaobo was not targeted personally. The CCP uses his jail sentence to intimidate all the other Chinese citizens who might continue to promote constitutional democracy. The charter describes the project for a Chinese society that is cherished by part of the Chinese population. We are just reaffirming universal values. Everyone is China has the right to express their vision of an ideal society without being intimidated by the Communist Party’s political police. I believe that the universal values outlined in Charter 08 will enter the Chinese constitution within the next 10 years and will be implemented.
Last year, in December 2010, the world saw the empty chair when the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Mr. Liu Xiaobo, a citizen of mainland China. A Nobel Peace Prize can often be a source of collective pride for a nation, a country or even a continent. The prize had finally come to China, and biggest and oldest authoritarian empire in the history of the world. I thank the Nobel Peace Prize jury for choosing a Chinese dissident.
The controversies that have arisen here and there, within China and abroad, do not matter. What counts is the fundamental principle of freedom. Every citizen accused of “inciting the overthrow of state authority” is innocent. They should be released immediately and unconditionally, and their good name should be rehabilitated. If we believe in justice and democracy, then we have a moral duty to Liu Xiaobo and Liu Xia to ensure that China becomes a land where the right to personal freedom and free speech prevails.
Our adversary is the violent machinery of tyrants. We must resist and change the authoritarian system instead of allowing it to crack down on dissidents and human rights defenders. The authorities exploit our fear, our indifference and the grievances we hold against each other. In the eyes of the dictators, we are all targets for repression. There are no perfect human beings in the real world. Those we call heroes are just ordinary people doing extraordinary things. The hero is often someone who constantly has to overcome his own fears in order to keep fighting for freedom.
When we want to criticize others, let us first become the heroes of our own principles. In the face of tyranny, our fears stem from our own disagreements, which in turn exacerbate our fear. Let us put aside the differences in our views and in our behaviour and accept the weaknesses of human nature. When we join together and accept each other, we will form a counterweight to the autocratic pressures and we will restore the balance. During this icy political winter, let us reinforce our solidarity.
The Nobel Peace Prize website is blocked in China but the Chinese sense what the CCP’s “Beijing wall” wants to block. Like South Africa’s Apartheid regime in the past, China is now the world’s biggest democratic battleground. We have Liu Xiaobo, the blind civil rights activist Chen Guangcheng, the artist Ai Weiwei, the human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng and others. We also have the hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens online and in the real world, who are fighting courageously for their civil rights. China’s democratization concerns the whole world. It is essential in order to guarantee world peace. China has undergone many wars and fratricidal conflicts. It is only by means of rational and progressive democratization that a peaceful transition will be achieved.
Today we celebrate the Arab Springs and we hope and prepare for the Beijing Spring. We thank the Nobel Peace Prize committee again for having chosen China. And we thank the world for supporting the Chinese people in its struggle for freedom.
Hu Jia
------
法广中文链接
“记者无国界”英文链接
我在北京向各位致意。
12月10日是国际人权日，人权是世界自由、正义与和平的基础。它又是诺贝尔和平奖的颁奖日。这是属于全体人类和为人类争取和平者的荣耀之日。世界上没有任何一个日子对人类尊严有这种双重肯定的意义。
首先，请允许我以个人的真实经历做一个与诺贝尔和平奖有关的简单回顾。12月08日，是上届诺贝尔奖获得者刘晓波先生被捕三周年纪念日。这是北京今冬最冷的一天，我本要前往无家可归露宿街头的上访者们聚集地带，准备为他们提供抵御寒冷和饥饿的帮助。但是中国北京的政治警察们封锁了我的出路，阻挡我前往上访村。为什么？我无法理解专制体制的思维方式，中国共产党的政治警察把人道主义也当作他们的敌人，那更何况更高标准的人权呢。
8月9日，我在前往医院治疗时，在政治警察的跟踪监视下前往刘晓波的家探望刘霞。被刘霞家门外被负责软禁她的保安粗暴拦截。我要求对方提供阻拦我访友和限制刘霞自由的法律依据，很快负责管辖刘霞的警察们赶到，将我扣押六小时。这就是自由公民看望自由公民的后果。9月，警方给我提出了三条底线之一就有绝对阻止我再前往刘晓波的家探望刘霞。而作为亲历者，在这里我愿意向全世界任何政府机构、人权组织和新闻媒体提供证词，证明刘霞确实处于被非法拘禁的状态，过着没有自由的生活。甚至刘晓波的兄弟都无法与刘霞联系。中国的外交部关于刘霞的陈述皆属谎言。在中国，当一个人成为政治犯时，往往意味着他/她的父母、配偶和孩子也同时成为政治犯。应当对北京这些人权压制事件负直接责任的，是中共中央政治局常委周永康和北京市委书记刘淇，因为他们主导司法权和北京的地方行政权力。这些都被滥用于剥夺公民的政治权利和民主权利。
再向前追溯，2008年12月10日，中国政治警察一个月内第七次到监狱试图说服我，他们重申代表外交部、公安部和中共北京市委的意思，让我公开发表声明，拒绝萨哈罗夫人权奖的授予，拒绝诺贝尔和平奖的提名。作为“回报”，我可以在两个月之内以保外就医的形式获得“自由”，同时将得到所获奖金额两倍的金钱“补偿”。在监狱中常常手铐脚镣加身的我，多么渴望拥有自由，回到父母、妻子和不到一岁的女儿身边。但这一切都不能以尊严为代价。我清楚，获奖和被提名的公民不是胡佳，而是这个国家所有争取政治权利并受到压制的公民们。人格无可交易，原则不能打破，道义没有退让的余地。这段过程可以反映出萨哈罗夫奖和诺贝尔和平奖给中国政府的道义压力，不论当局以什么方式表示轻蔑和反对，但他们实际上已经输了，他们很担忧这些奖项成为化开冻土的暖流。
2008年10月10日早晨，我突然从远离北京的天津潮白监狱，被押解到北京南部的北京市监狱。我母亲和妻子、孩子每月探视的距离缩短了三分之二，减轻了老人和孩子的劳累。一年后我才知道，原来这是由于我受到了诺贝尔和平奖的提名，而那一天获奖者将揭晓。在这里，我想让全世界知道，诺贝尔和平奖的被提名或获奖，给中国监狱中或被非法限制人身自由的异见人士肯定会带来一定程度的保护，改善他们恶劣的生存条件。否则他们的境遇会更糟糕。在这里，我们可以期待刘晓波将来给大家讲述狱中与诺贝尔奖有关的经历。
刘晓波因为参与起草《零八宪章》而入狱。三年来《零八宪章》有一万三千签署者，这相对于中国人口，只占十万分之一。这源于中国统治者给社会制造的恐怖以及在互联网络上封锁。我今年出狱不久也签署了《零八宪章》，而我妻子曾金燕是第一批签名人之一。签署时，我的感觉又回到了奥运会之前我们针对许多人权个案的签名行动。那时我们与晓波常常配合。但没有想到，温和理性的《零八宪章》，居然引发了对参与者刘晓波的牢狱报复。这其实不是针对他本人，而是要用他付出的牢狱代价来恐吓其他坚持倡导民主宪政的中国公民们。宪章中描绘了部分公民心中理想中国社会的蓝图，我们只是在重申普世价值。这个国家的每个人都有权提出他心目中的社会理想，而不应受到任何来自中国党卫政治警察的压力。我相信，零八宪章中所强调的那些普世价值，十年之内都会写进中国的宪法。并且依此实施宪政。
去年的12月10日，世界面对着空椅子，见证诺贝尔和平奖颁发给中国大陆公民刘晓波先生。和平奖往往能成为一个民族、一个国家、甚至一个大洲的共同骄傲。它终于来到了中国大陆，这个世界上最大最悠久的专制帝国。感谢诺贝尔和平奖委员会选择中国异见人士。对于海内外若隐若现的争议，让我们回到自由至上的原则，事实是中国的每个“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的公民都是无罪的，都应该立即无条件地获得自由，恢复名誉。如果你认为自己信仰正义和民主，那么我们就有道义责任为刘晓波和刘霞争取在中国这块土地上自由生活和表达的权利。我们的对手是专制者的暴力机器，我们要抵抗和变革的是专制制度，而不是被这个体制压制的异见人士、维权者。当局不仅从我们的恐惧中获益，而且从我们彼此的漠视和攻讦中获益。在专制者眼中，我们都是异见者，都是一样要被它压制的对象。这个世界没有完美的人，所谓英雄，那只是一个平凡的人做了非凡的事而已。英雄往往是不断战胜自己的恐惧，坚持去争取自由的人。当我们准备批评别人时，请让我们先成为自己符合内心英雄的标准。面对暴政，我们的恐惧来自于我们一盘散沙的状态，而一盘散沙的状态更加剧着个体的恐惧。搁置理念和行为方式的分歧，接纳人性的弱点，当我们相互凝聚包容时，就形成对专制者的制衡和压力。在寒冷的政治冬季，让我们相互雪中送炭。
当诺贝尔和平奖的网站在中国都被封锁，中国人可以感到共产党的“北京墙”要阻隔什么。现在的中国，如同曾经种族隔离制度下的南非，且这里才是全世界最大的民主战场。这里有刘晓波，这里也有盲人陈光诚、艺术家艾未未、维权律师高智晟……更多的是那些在网络上、在现实中为公民权利奋战的亿万中国公民。中国的民主化，是世界议题，中国的民主化是对世界和平至关重要的保障。也唯有中国理性渐进的民主化，能让这个饱经战争和自相残杀的国家和平转型。
今天我们庆祝阿拉伯之春，同时我们更期待并准备着北京之春。再次感谢诺贝尔和平奖委员会选择中国。感谢世界对中国人争取自由的支持。
胡佳
---English Version---
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I send you greetings from Beijing.
Today, 10 December, is Human Rights Day, a day dedicated to the basis of freedom, justice and peace throughout the world. It is also the day that the Nobel Peace Prize is awarded. This day, which belongs to all of humanity, honours those all over the world who fight for peace. No other day has this double meaning, affirming the importance of respect for human rights.
Firstly, allow me to give you a brief summary of my experience of the Nobel Peace Prize. Two days ago, 8 December, was the third anniversary of the arrest of Liu Xiaobo, the 2010 Nobel peace laureate. It was the coldest day of this winter so far in Beijing. I set off for the neighbourhood where petitioners and homeless people gather because I wanted to help them resist the cold and their hunger. But the Beijing political police arrested me on the way, preventing me from going to this “village.” Why? I still do not understand this authoritarian government’s way of thinking. The Chinese Communist Party’s political police regards humanitarianism as its enemy. Not to speak of human rights.
While on my way to hospital to receive treatment on 9 August, I decided go to Liu Xiaobo’s home to visit his wife, Liu Xia, without the political police knowing. I was roughly intercepted by the guards who keep the home under surveillance. I asked them what legal grounds they had for preventing me from visiting friends and for restricting Liu Xia’s freedom. The police in charge of Liu Xia’s surveillance quickly arrived and held me for six hours. This is what happens when free citizens try to visit other free citizens. One of the three orders I received from the police in September was a total ban on going to Liu Xiaobo’s home to visit Liu Xia.
As a direct witness, I would hereby like to testify to all the government institutions throughout the world, to all the human rights organizations and to all the media that Liu Xia is being detained in a completely illegal manner and is leading a life bereft of any freedom. Even Liu Xiaobo’s brother cannot contact her. All the Chinese foreign ministry statements about her situation are just lies.
When someone becomes a political prisoner in China, their parents, spouse and children become political prisoners as well. The people directly responsible for these human rights violations in Beijing are Zhou Yongkang, a member of the party’s Politiburo Standing Committee, who runs the judicial system, and Liu Qi, the party’s Beijing municipal secretary, who is charge of governing the capital. They have abused their power in order to deprive citizens of their civic and democratic rights.
After visiting me in prison seven times in a month, the political police finally asked me on 10 December 2008, on behalf of the foreign ministry, public security ministry and the CCP’s Beijing municipal committee, to issue a public statement rejecting the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought and rejecting my candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize. In exchange, I would be released on bail within two months in order to receive medical treatment, and I would receive double the amount of money of the two prizes. In prison, often with my hands and feet manacled, I repeatedly felt the desire to recover my freedom and be reunited with my parents, wife and daughter, who was then less than a year old. But all this could not happen at the expense of human dignity.
I knew that this prize and this nomination did not concern me but all the Chinese citizens who fight for human rights and who, because of that, are stripped of their own civic rights. Human dignity is not for sale. Principles cannot be broken. Morality cannot be compromised. This shows the moral and judicial influence that the Sakharov Prize and Nobel Prize have on the Chinese government. Regardless of its display of contempt and use of violence, it cannot win. The CCP’s leaders are very worried that these prizes could become a torrent of hot water on their frozen ground.
On the morning of 10 October 2008, I suddenly found myself being escorted from my cell in the distant Chao Bai prison in Tianjin to a prison in Beijing, on the south side of the city. The distance that my mother, wife and daughter had to travel for their monthly visits was cut by two thirds, reducing their fatigue. A year later, I learned that it was because I had been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and because the 2008 winner had been announced that day.
I would like the world to know that being nominated for or being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize provides an unquestionable degree of protection for imprisoned dissidents in China, for those whose individual freedoms have been illegally suppressed. It improves the poor conditions in which they are held. Without it, their situation would be much worse. Liu Xiaobo can be expected one day to testify to the effect of the Nobel Peace Prize on his prison conditions.
Liu Xiaobo is in prison because he helped draft “Charter 08.” In the three years since its launch, 13,000 people have signed this charter – only one person out every 100,000 in China. This situation is a result of the terror and online censorship mechanisms that the Chinese leaders have imposed on Chinese society. I signed “Charter 08” shortly after my release earlier this year. My wife, Zeng Jinyan, was one of the first to sign it. At the moment of signing, I felt we were back in the era before the Olympic Games, where we signed many petitions about human rights issues. Back then, we often worked with Liu Xiaobo. I had not imagined that he would end up in prison as a reprisal for the charter.
In reality, Liu Xiaobo was not targeted personally. The CCP uses his jail sentence to intimidate all the other Chinese citizens who might continue to promote constitutional democracy. The charter describes the project for a Chinese society that is cherished by part of the Chinese population. We are just reaffirming universal values. Everyone is China has the right to express their vision of an ideal society without being intimidated by the Communist Party’s political police. I believe that the universal values outlined in Charter 08 will enter the Chinese constitution within the next 10 years and will be implemented.
Last year, in December 2010, the world saw the empty chair when the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Mr. Liu Xiaobo, a citizen of mainland China. A Nobel Peace Prize can often be a source of collective pride for a nation, a country or even a continent. The prize had finally come to China, and biggest and oldest authoritarian empire in the history of the world. I thank the Nobel Peace Prize jury for choosing a Chinese dissident.
The controversies that have arisen here and there, within China and abroad, do not matter. What counts is the fundamental principle of freedom. Every citizen accused of “inciting the overthrow of state authority” is innocent. They should be released immediately and unconditionally, and their good name should be rehabilitated. If we believe in justice and democracy, then we have a moral duty to Liu Xiaobo and Liu Xia to ensure that China becomes a land where the right to personal freedom and free speech prevails.
Our adversary is the violent machinery of tyrants. We must resist and change the authoritarian system instead of allowing it to crack down on dissidents and human rights defenders. The authorities exploit our fear, our indifference and the grievances we hold against each other. In the eyes of the dictators, we are all targets for repression. There are no perfect human beings in the real world. Those we call heroes are just ordinary people doing extraordinary things. The hero is often someone who constantly has to overcome his own fears in order to keep fighting for freedom.
When we want to criticize others, let us first become the heroes of our own principles. In the face of tyranny, our fears stem from our own disagreements, which in turn exacerbate our fear. Let us put aside the differences in our views and in our behaviour and accept the weaknesses of human nature. When we join together and accept each other, we will form a counterweight to the autocratic pressures and we will restore the balance. During this icy political winter, let us reinforce our solidarity.
The Nobel Peace Prize website is blocked in China but the Chinese sense what the CCP’s “Beijing wall” wants to block. Like South Africa’s Apartheid regime in the past, China is now the world’s biggest democratic battleground. We have Liu Xiaobo, the blind civil rights activist Chen Guangcheng, the artist Ai Weiwei, the human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng and others. We also have the hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens online and in the real world, who are fighting courageously for their civil rights. China’s democratization concerns the whole world. It is essential in order to guarantee world peace. China has undergone many wars and fratricidal conflicts. It is only by means of rational and progressive democratization that a peaceful transition will be achieved.
Today we celebrate the Arab Springs and we hope and prepare for the Beijing Spring. We thank the Nobel Peace Prize committee again for having chosen China. And we thank the world for supporting the Chinese people in its struggle for freedom.
Hu Jia
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“记者无国界”英文链接
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